Neo-Fascism

The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them...

Drawing on Furio Jesi’s 1979 Cultura di destra [Right Wing Culture], this article sketches a preliminary genealogy of fascist accelerationism, a distinct current of white supremacist militancy responsible for a considerable number of North American mass murder events over the span of four decades. After positioning Jesi’s theory of fascist violence within the broader methodological turn of his late period work, the article proceeds to outline three key features of right-wing thought: a language of wordless ideas, a funerary religion of exemplary deaths, and a repertoire of militant yet militarily «useless» tasks. Resisting the tendency either to over- or under-politicize these deadly events, Jesi’s analysis instead allows us recognize the operation of a mythological machine that animates white supremacist mass murders over the past half century. The aim of this article is to trace the genesis and mutation of this machine, with particular emphasis on the period from 1975 to the present.

Constantin Apostol (1903-1995) was a prominent representative of the interwar Romanian horse riding [1]. He was born in Săgeata, Buzău County [2], attended primary school in his home town, high school in Buzău and military studies in Târgovişte and Sibiu. As far as his military career is concerned, C. Apostol advanced up to the rank of a lieutenant-colonel. He participated in various international competitions, winning many awards, including the first prize, in countries, such as: England, Austria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Germany, France, Italy, Poland. He took part in the military operations of World War II, both in the East and in the West, being decorated for his actions on both war fields. After the establishment of the communist regime, Constantin Apostol was continuosly humiliated, and finally imprisoned. In our work, the author aims to present, for the first time ever, precisely this final stage of his life.

In the current year, the Revolution of 1848/49 – the Springtime of the Peoples – celebrates its 175th anniversary. After the barricade fights in Paris (February of 1848) and the subsequent abolition of the monarchy, the revolution spread like a wildfire all over Europe. From Paris to Bucharest, from Northern Germany to Sicily, the peoples of Europe claimed different rights and liberties: the general (male) suffrage, constitutional and parliamentary systems of rule, the abolition of censorship, better living and working conditions, the secularization of the state, and national sovereignty as the result of the end of foreign rule. Hence, despite the heterogeneity of these claims, there was one common thing: all these uprisings were driven by ideas of progress and justice. There was, however, another common thing: these revolutions were not successful and the revolutionary euphoria and the regimes conceived by them were ephemeral, except for the foundation of the Swiss Confederation in September of 1848.

Δυστοπία 2028 (Ή το χρέος να ενωθούμε στον αγώνα για να μην φτάσουμε εκεί) Του Στράτου Γεωργούλα Καθηγητή Πανεπιστημίου Αιγαίου, Περιφερειακού συμβούλου Β. Αιγαίου Απόσπασμα ρεπορτάζ: «Μεγάλη ήττα υπέστη στις χθεσινές περιφερειακές εκλογές η «κεντροαριστερή» συμμαχία της Νέας Δημοκρατίας με τα μικρότερα συγγενή κόμματα Προοδευτική Συμμαχία (παλιότερα ΣΥΡΙΖΑ) και Δημοκρατικό Κέντρο (παλιότερα ΠΑΣΟΚ). Στις περισσότερες περιφέρειες κέρδισαν τα σχήματα που υποστήριξε η «κεντροδεξιά» παράταξη της «Ελληνικής λύσης για τη Νίκη», ενώ πολύ αυξημένα ποσοστά πέτυχαν τα σχήματα που υποστήριξε το Ναζιστικό Κόμμα Ελλάδας με αρχηγό τον πρώην κρατούμενο των φυλακών, Φύρερ Ηλία Κασιδιάρη. Στις επερχόμενες βουλευτικές εκλογές κρίσιμη είναι η στήριξη της ρεαλιστικής οπτικής που πρεσβεύει το σύνθημα «μόνο ο Χριστός σώζει» για να μη γίνει πράξη ο κίνδυνος απόλυτης κυριαρχίας του ναζιστικού κόμματος του οποίου πρόταση είναι να μη γίνονται πια εκλογές γιατί το ποσοστό συμμετοχής έχει πέσει κάτω από το 35% και δεν έχει καμία σημασία. Να θυμίσουμε ότι στις επερχόμενες εκλογές δεν μπορούν να συμμετάσχουν κόμματα τα οποία έχουν στο καταστατικό τους τις λέξεις σοσιαλισμός, κομμουνισμός, αλλαγή της κοινωνίας.

On the face of it, contemporary "alt-tech" platforms appear more moderate than legacy hate havens. Yet it's also clear that virulent hate in the form of misogyny, white supremacy, and xenophobia has not disappeared. Probing this tension, this article conceptualizes two forms of hate: Surface "Hate" (moderate content that is highly visible and easily accessible) and Sublevel Hate (explicit content that is more marginal and less discernible). These terms are illustrated by examining several viral videos on Rumble. This twinned mechanism explains how alt-tech platforms can be both accessible and extreme at the same time. Stratified hate is strategic, heightening the appeal and durability of online communities. Recognizing this dangerous dynamic is key for interventions seeking to counter it.

The book argues that fascist memory had a key role in the historical formation and later return of fascism. Tracing the trajectory of a perennial figure of fascist memory, the cult of Eszter Sólymosi, from interwar Hungary through the Cold War West to contemporary Hungary, the book covers a century of fascism and offers a unique combination of fascism studies and memory studies.

How did fascists challenge liberal memory after the First World War? How did the memory culture they created come to frame and feed the Second World War and the genocide? In what ways did fascist memory transform as they navigated the challenges of exile in a profoundly changed political landscape and tried to counter the postwar order? And what role did their legacy, carefully crafted for a post-Communist future, play as later neo-fascists rejected democratic transformation? Eventually, as fascist memory traveled across time and space, the book argues, it contributed to the political challenges that we face today.

Based on a variety of unpublished sources, the book offers new insights for students of memory, Holocaust, fascism, and antisemitism studies, Jewish studies, Central and Eastern European history, and Hungarian studies.

A major development on the European far right since 1945 is the turn to a 'metapolitics' supposedly influenced by the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci. Metapolitics, in this sense, deemphasizes electoral politics in favor of intellectual activism and the pursuit of 'cultural hegemony' as a prelude to seizing political power. This article examines the metapolitics of the European New Right (ENR) from a new theoretical and historical perspective. It argues that the literature of the US 'culture wars' better explains the enr's practice than any reception of Gramsci. And it presents enr metapolitics not as the strategic reformulation of interwar fascism but as part of a broad transatlantic backlash against the leftist successes of the 1960s. This approach better accounts for ENR intellectuals' function as 'culture warriors' specializing in demonization and mastery of the tools of public discourse.

PACHECO, Gabriela Santi. Entre aproximações e afastamentos: a representação de Gustavo Barroso na Panorama. In: Leandro Pereira Gonçalves; Odilon Caldeira Neto. (Org.). Integralismo e liderança: ensaios críticos. Juiz de Fora: Editora UFJF, 2023, p. 53-69.

The paper sketches the context in which Einstein and Freud's joint publication Why War? appeared under the auspices of the League of Nations in 1933. Instead of the authors' holding a lack of rationality and the human proclivity for aggression responsible, the paper emphasizes the increasingly precarious relation between the observable historical situation of the late Weimar Republic (its Wahrnehmungswelt) and its imagined counterpart (Vorstellungswelt). A summary analysis of Einstein's and Freud's arguments is followed by an overview of the broadly accepted historical situation of the Weimar Republic from 1929 to 1933. By contrast, the Weimar Republic is then viewed in terms of the dominant sentiments of the day, against which Einstein's and Freud's explanatory strategy looks unsatisfactory. Foregrounding the human capacity of imaginability, the Conclusion replaces their emphasis on reason and instinct by the claim that under certain circumstances the Wahrnehmungswelt itself becomes irrelevant, instead becoming subservient to the imagined world. When the discrepancy between an actual historical situation and the imagined community becomes unbridgeable, anything, including the option of war, becomes preferable to the status quo.

Joe Biden has accused his opponent Donald Trump of trucking with 'domestic extremists'. Ryan Cristian, founder and editor of podcast The Last American Vagabond, pointed out the hypocrisy of the president who arms Ukrainian Nazis.


The CIA is using fascist groups as tools of state policy at home and abroad, says an independent media commentator.


Several dozen members of the Blood Tribe and Goyim Defense League neo-Nazi groups marched to Disney World in Florida on Saturday.


Blood Tribe leader Christopher 'The Hammer' Pohlhaus, a former US Marine, praise Ukraine's Nazi Azov Battalion*. Pohlhaus added that he was backing Democrat President Joe Biden over Republican Donald Trump in the 2024 because Biden "sends rockets to Ukraine" to arm fellow fascists.

Актуальність. Російсько-українська війна загострила потребу глибокого розуміння психології людини тоталітарного суспільства, джерела і механізми підтримки злочинів, які вчиняє держава-терорист. Метою статті є аналіз міжнародного досвіду операціоналізації концептів та інструментів психологічного вимірювання схильності до тоталітаризму. Методологія. Представлено результати когнітивного аналізу смислових одиниць у питаннях, які використовуються у методиках вимірювання фашизму-авторитаризму-тоталітаризму (ФАТ) у різних концепціях (правого авторитаризму Алтемеєра, соціального домінування Пратта, лібертаріанства Меграбяна, підтримки демократії Мегалеса, підтримки популізму Сільви). Результати. Простежується історична тяглість і суперечності у використанні поняття «тоталітаризм» крізь призму груп-рефлексивного підходу, обґрунтовується пропозиція розглядати сукупне синтетичне поняття схильності до відтворення спільних рис ФАТ, оскільки на психологічному рівні явища, описані різними термінам...

El discurso social puede legitimar la inequidad de género a través de la cosificación femenina, una forma de diseminación de este discurso está en las conversaciones de WhatsApp. Este estudio buscó identificar posibles factores que influyen en la intención de los adolescentes de compartir contenido sexista en grupos de WhatsApp. Se analizaron variables como: creencias sexistas, normalización de la cosificación, la normativa social percibida, la identidad social y el tipo de uso de WhatsApp. El estudio presentó un enfoque cuantitativo y un alcance correlacional. Se aplicó un cuestionario auto perceptivo a 385 estudiantes de colegio. Los resultados permitieron comprobar correlaciones entre las variables mencionadas y la intención de compartir contenido, así, se identificaron aspectos en los que se puede intervenir a futuro en campañas y procesos de conciencia social ante el mal uso de WhatsApp.

PurposeThis article presents a historical investigation into the foreign policy messages of the British Union of Fascists' (BUF) publicity and propaganda from its foundation in 1932 until the outbreak of World War II in 1939, along with a discussion of the methods and institutional arrangements used to propagate its ideas of peace, empire and transnational co-operation.Design/methodology/approachThe historical investigation is based upon scrutiny of original BUF documents relating to the period 1932–1939 from various archives. After cataloguing of the relevant publicity and propaganda materials in time sequence and thematically, analysis was organised using a historical institutionalism approach.FindingsThe article explains the different phases of the BUF's message development and how publications, meetings and media were used to project its ideas. It also discussed the impact of support from Viscount Rothermere's newspapers and financial support from Benito Mussolini. C...

Nationalismus und Antisemitismus sind das Rachegelüste der "kleinen Leute." "Kleine Leute" sind dann, wenn sie ihre Wut gegen sich selber richten, und wenn sie den globalen Lebenszusammenhang immer ausschließen. Kleine Leute dogmatisieren. Sie erkennen im Eigenen nicht das Andere und das Andere nicht im Eigenen. Kleine Leute haben gar kein Eigenes: deshalb hypostasieren sie dies. Das ist dann der Nationalismus: der Haß auf andere. Der Geist des Menschen aber kann sowohl die Natur als auch den Menschen immer nur als Totalität fassen, als eine innere Logik und Einheit. Wird diese innere Logik und Einheit des Seins zerstört, entsteht der Krieg daraus: Menschen, die diese Menschheit als eine Gattung denken, machen keine Kriege gegen Menschen. Die Nazis sind darauf die Probe aufs Exempel. Aber die Nazis stecken in allem. Die Nazis sind nicht die fernen Kosmen und Kontinente, sondern sind die inneren Teufel des ganzen Menschengeschlechts. Nur der, der das begreift, begreift auch allen Nationalismus: nur der baut keine Mauern und nur der schließt andere Menschen nicht aus. Eine jede Exklusion basiert auf einem Krieg: immer liegt eine innere Un-Logik vor, die sich als Logik ausgibt. Das Engstirnige, das, was diesen Kosmos zerstört, das liegt darin. Die Natur muß ebenfalls immer als eine innere Einheit gesehen und betrachtet werden. Es gibt keine linke und keine rechte Natur. Die Natur ist nicht gut, schon gar nicht von Natus aus. Sondern die Natur birgt, wie der Mensch, immer den Eros und den Thanatos in sich. Das Elend und die Destruktion ebenso wie die Konstitution. Wer auch immer am Anderen etwas zerstört, zerstört es an sich selbst, und sogar primär an sich selbst.

Özet Karadeniz Havzası, Soğuk Savaş sonrası, coğrafi kapsam ve sistemsel anlam bakımından ciddi bir değişim geçirmiştir. Soğuk Savaş'ın sona ermesi, SSCB'nin kurguladığı ve havza ülkeleri arasındaki ilişkileri bi-çimlendiren siyasal altyapının da çökmesine neden olmuştur. Havza-nın uluslararası sistem çerçevesinde süregelen rekabete eklemlenme-si, havza ülkelerinin içselleştirmiş oldukları tarihsel meseleler, top-lumsal gerginlikler ve siyasal sorunlar ile birleştiği noktada, çatışma tabanlı bir görünüm yaratmıştır. Karadeniz Havzası tanımının kapsa-mı ve içeriğine ilişkin belirsizlik de bölgesel gerginliği arttıran önemli bir faktör olmuştur. Havzaya hâkim olan çatışmacı altyapının değer-lendirilmesinde, genel olarak devlet merkezli ve realist/neorealist an-lamlandırmalar yapılmıştır. Bu çalışma ise, Karadeniz Havzası'ndaki çatışmacı ilişkiler ağını konstrüktivist tabanlı bir güvenlik kuramı olan Güvenlikleştirme Yaklaşımı çerçevesinde irdeleyecektir. Abstract The Black...

In “Exterminate All the Brutes” Raoul Peck radically lays bare the mechanisms of the various military, economic, and cultural colonisations. He names the foundations of white supremacism: civilization, colonization, and extermination, and brutally demonstrates the ideology of eugenics, racism, and present-day fascism. He guides us through the horrors of genocide, sometimes skipping centuries to draw parallels with current events...
The title is borrowed from the book “Exterminate All the Brutes” by Sven Lindqvist (who himself had taken it from Kurtz, one of the key characters in Joseph Conrad's novel Heart of Darkness).
The research for his documentary I Am Not Your Negro took him 10 years to complete, and he thought he had said all he had to say. But in promoting it, he realized that, particularly in Europe, there is still a great deal of denial when it comes to these facts.

To (re-)explain the history of colonialism, racism, and genocide, and to show that they are not just a problem in the United States, the director felt obliged to add this new masterpiece to which he devoted another three years of his life.

Для сохранения своего господства в мире англосаксонские нации и англосаксонская цивилизация в целом широко применяют нацистские методы. Они представляют угрозу для существования как русской нации, так и других этносов и цивилизаций. В настоящем докладе автор систематизирует нацистские угрозы и формулирует предложения по их преодолению.
To maintain their dominance in the world, the Anglo-Saxon nations and Anglo-Saxon civilization as a whole make extensive use of Nazi methods. They pose a threat to the existence of both the Russian nation and other ethnic groups and civilizations. In this report, the author systematizes the Nazi threats and formulates proposals for overcoming them.

In this article, I first explore the use of discursive and iconographic tropes from antiquity by neo-fascist
and white supremacist groups, primarily in Greece but also in other, western contexts. These rely on
specific, historically and empirically problematic constructions of ancient Sparta, and on other cultural formations and events such as the Greek-Persian wars, ancient Macedonia, and figures such as Alexander
the Great. Militarization, the notions of sacrifice at war, racist and orientalist hierarchies, and the cult of
the leader give the tone. Paradoxically, modern archaeo-genetic research is at times deployed by these
groups to claim scientific proof of genetic continuity, reminding us of the dangers of the biologization
of identity. In the second part of the paper, I suggest that archaeologists should counter such neo-fascist
deployments by critiquing teleological and progressivist time, decolonizing the sensorial and affective
regimes of racial and capitalist modernity, and confronting the ontology grounded on an individualized
and autonomous self. I illustrate some of these thoughts by briefly presenting my work on the archaeology
of contemporary migration and border crossing in the Aegean, based on fieldwork on the island of
Lesvos. Such work constitutes an archaeological intervention in one of the most crucial issues of our
time, and one that is often exploited by racist and neo-fascist discourses and practices. At the same time, it
challenges the very foundations of modernist archaeology foregrounding multi-temporality, and inviting
us to revisit our conceptions of the archaeological, of monuments, and of heritage.

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo consiste na identificação dos principais elementos que compõem a cosmovisão das candidaturas mais claramente vinculadas ao bolsonarismo à Prefeitura de Macapá em 2020. A partir da realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com os três candidatos e a candidata que, ao longo da campanha, buscaram vincular sua trajetória à imagem do Presidente da República, seus enunciados foram analisados e organizados em três campos semânticos principais: neoliberalismo, conservadorismo moral e retórica antissistema. A análise desses campos semânticos evidenciou dois elementos importantes: em primeiro lugar, a robusta coesão ideológica e discursiva do bolsonarismo, mesmo quando considerada sua manifestação local em um município distante, geográfica e institucionalmente, do centro hegemônico do país; e, em segundo lugar, o maior peso relativo dado a duas facetas da cosmovisão bolsonarista, o militarismo e o conservadorismo moral de corte pentecostal.

As the title suggests, Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe’s monograph is a vast and comprehensive biography of Stepan Bandera, spanning more than a century and providing a much-needed longue durée perspective that not only reconstructs Bandera’s life and political activity in painstaking detail, but also illuminates the reasons for the resurgence of his cult in the late 1980s and especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the achievement of Ukrainian independence. However, the book is also much more than that, covering some of the most sensitive aspects of modern Ukrainian history. It provides detailed accounts of the history of the two organisations with which Bandera was associated during his lifetime – the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) – as well as of their legacies in contemporary Ukraine. These histories are placed in the wider context of the connections and entanglements of Ukrainian nationalists not only with neighbouri...

For several decades, intellectuals and economists who follow Marxist theory have hotly debated the financialization of capitalism. François Chesnais's latest book represents the most thorough and polished attempt yet to clarify several lingering questions around the matter.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.

In this text, I examine language used to define, express, and exploit “National Socialism”. These different uses vary in time and purpose and need to be understood in context. The Nazis did not create much of the language most closely associated with National Socialism, but their use of certain language, symbols, and images has been so firmly established that we immediately recognize them even when partially spoken or indirectly referenced. This easy recognition, combined with the emotional charge of anger and horror, lends itself to commercial and political exploitation. I discuss this with examples from scholarly publishing and current events, and also discuss possibilities for crowd manipulation made possible by the political use of interactive social networks.